Rungwe Mtete Kujua ni Kuchagua, Mada ya Wiki, Updates

Tanzania’s Electoral Commission Bill 2023: A Step towards Independence or a Mask of Autonomy?

Overview

The National Electoral Commission Bill 2023, currently stirring up contention in Tanzania, could greatly impact the composition and autonomy of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), a critical entity for fair and free elections. Amidst rising tensions, CHADEMA, the leading opposition party, has called maandamano – a peaceful demonstration set for January 24, 2024, in Dar-es-Salaam. In addition to other vital issues, the protest aims to oppose the stated Bill, seen as merely a superficial change that contributes nothing to enhancing the NEC’s independence.1 

In an anticipated autocratic response, the government declared January 23 – 24, 2024, Dar-es-Salaam’s “cleaning day,” with various security forces in charge.2 This declaration, coinciding with CHADEMA’s demonstration, adds a new facet to the unfolding political situation. The effects of this “cleaning day” on the planned protest and CHADEMA’s subsequent reaction remain to be seen. This article will focus on the National Electoral Commission Bill 2023 and the idea of the independence of an electoral commission.

What’s the Independence of an Electoral Commission?

The independence of an electoral commission is a cornerstone in democratic societies, ensuring the fairness, transparency, and integrity of electoral processes. It refers to the commission’s ability to operate free from external influence or interference, specifically from political entities or government bodies that could compromise its impartiality. This independence is typically enshrined in a nation’s constitution or electoral laws, establishing that the commission makes autonomous decisions on critical aspects of elections, such as the registration of voters, supervision of voting, and announcement of results. However, the degree of independence can vary according to different legislative frameworks and political contexts.

The Study of the Independence of an Electoral Commission

In assessing the independence of an electoral commission, Cheeseman & Elkrit (2020) propose 3 primary factors for consideration: institutional, leadership, and financial independence.3

Institutional Independence: This dimension provides legal and statutory safeguards that protect the electoral body from undue interference. It also encompasses the commission’s autonomy in decision-making processes, including the ability to determine its procedures, rules, and conduct of elections.

Leadership Independence: To maintain impartiality, the leaders and members of the commission must be selected through a transparent, meritocratic process. They should have security of tenure to prevent arbitrary dismissals that could undermine their independence.

Financial Independence: The commission should have its budget allocated by the government and approved by Parliament. Adequate and independent financing ensures the commission is not beholden to any external entity. The funds should be disbursed timely and directly to the commission, and they should be free to allocate these resources as they see fit.

Thus, asserting the independence of an electoral commission merely through constitutional declarations is insufficient. Legal mechanisms that bolster this commission’s institutional, organizational, and financial autonomy must be established to ensure practical independence. These measures are critical to maintaining its unbiased nature and ensuring it functions without external influences or pressures.

Tanzania’s National Electoral Commission (NEC)

According to the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (1977), section 74, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) is declared independent. This is made explicit in subsections (6) and (7), where it’s stated that the NEC is responsible for supervising and coordinating elections without being obliged to comply with orders or directions from any person, government department, or political party. Furthermore, the NEC is described as an autonomous department, highlighting its independence from other governmental entities.4 Nonetheless, it’s crucial to acknowledge that while the constitution asserts the independence of the NEC, its actual execution involves three operational aspects – leadership, financial, and practical autonomy. These aspects, identified by Cheeseman & Elkrit (2020), require a law that establishes them and enforces their compliance. This balance of factors is necessary for the NEC to act independently indeed.

Constitutional and Legal Issues Affecting NEC’s Independence

The composition of the NEC raises concerns about its true independence. According to section 74 (1) of Tanzania’s Constitution (1977), the members of the NEC are appointed by the President, which could compromise their impartiality and make them susceptible to political influence. Additionally, subsection (10) of the same Constitution allows delegates to be assigned to supervise elections under the direction of the NEC, raising questions about their independence as well.

Moreover, Section 7(1) of the Elections Act stipulates that city, municipal, town, and district directors serve as returning officers (as NEC’s delegates) during elections, as per Section 74 (10) of Tanzania’s Constitution (1977).5 This provision has been a source of significant contention within Tanzania’s political scene.6 This is because it raises concerns about the independence of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), as these individuals are President’s appointed government officials who may have vested interests or biases that could influence their actions during the election process. 

One of the critical roles of the NEC is to oversee and manage the entire electoral process, including the recruitment and training of election officials. Designating government officials as returning officers creates a potential conflict of interest. These individuals may feel pressure to act in favor of the ruling party or President who appointed them. The history of past elections in Tanzania has shown a compromised impartiality and fairness. This was particularly evident in the election of 2020.7

The Recent Proposed Amendment to the NEC

Considering Cheeseman & Elkrit’s (2020) necessary factors for assessing the independence of an electoral commission, the perceived improvement in the autonomy of the NEC needs to translate into substantial, tangible changes that genuinely enhance the NEC’s independence. While Section 9 (1) of the National Electoral Commission Bill 2023 inclusion of a special recruitment committee may decentralize the appointment process, the influence of the presidency remains substantial. The Committee that maintains presidential appointees must forward a shortlist of 9 candidates to the President, who then exercises discretion to appoint a maximum of 5 commissioners.8


Additionally, the power to appoint the NEC chairperson and vice-chairperson remains a presidential prerogative. The ability to dismiss them at any time for so-called “bad behavior” casts doubt on the actual level of independence that this amendment offers. It’s worth mentioning that the Bill’s Section 8 (3) states that if the issue of removing a Commission Member arises, a Committee will be formed. However, the President also maintains the power to appoint the said Committee. This puts the security of tenure of the said members into question as the Committee may as well act as a rubberstamp of the President’s decision to dismiss a member for whatever reason the President sees fit. Accordingly, CHADEMA’s Deputy General Secretary in Mainland Tanzania, Benson Kigaila, rightly stated that the “current and proposed NEC is the presidential body that coordinates, conducts, and manages elections.”9

Wrapping up

While the NEC Bill 2023 introduces certain amendments that imply a shift towards independence for the National Electoral Commission, it fails to extricate the institution from executive influence. The seemingly decentralized appointment process, the power to appoint the NEC chairperson and vice-chairperson, and the capability to dismiss them under the pretext of “bad behavior” arguably still reflect a significant degree of presidential control. Until the NEC is completely free of such presidential prerogatives, its autonomy remains dubious at best. 

Therefore, the ruling Chama cha Mapindunzi’s (CCM) government must involve all political parties in this process and take their concerns seriously for a truly transparent and impartial election. Only then can we genuinely say that changes have been made to improve the democratic process in Tanzania. We must continue to monitor and advocate for comprehensive reforms through peaceful maandamano and other means that will lead to credible and fair elections in the country. Together, we can build a nation that embodies true democracy and respects the voices of its people.

***

References

  1. Mwananchi Digital (2024). CHADEMA yaitisha maandamano kupinga muswada sheria ya uchaguzi. Accessed on 13 January 2024. 
    ↩︎
  2. Mwananchi (2024). RC Dar atangaza Januari 23 – 24 siku ya usafi. Accessed on 13 January 2024. ↩︎
  3. Cheeseman, N., & Elkrit, J. (2020). Understanding and Assessing Electoral Commission Independence: a New Framework. Accessed on 15 January 2024. ↩︎
  4. Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania (1977). Tume ya Uchaguzi. Accessed on 18 January 2024. 
    ↩︎
  5. Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi (2015). The National Elections Act. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
  6. Mwananchi (2023) Mahakama ya Afrika yataka mabadiliko sheria ya uchaguzi. Accessed on 18 January 2024.
    ↩︎
  7. Collord, M. (2021). Tanzania’s 2020 Election: Return of the One-Party State. Accessed on 15 January 2024. ↩︎
  8. Parliament of Tanzania (2023). Muswada wa Sheria ya Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
  9. JamiiForums (2024). Benson Kigaila: Matatizo ya Tume ya Uchaguzi Yanayojulikana hayajaguswa. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
Rungwe Mtete Kujua ni Kuchagua, Mada ya Wiki, Updates

Muswada wa Tume ya Uchaguzi 2023: Hatua kuelekea Uhuru Wake Kamili au Mwendelezo wa Uhuru wa Mchongo?

Muhtasari

Muswada wa Sheria ya Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi 2023, unaoibua mabishano nchini Tanzania hivi sasa, unaweza kuathiri kwa kiasi kikubwa muundo na uhuru wa Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi (NEC), ambacho ni chombo muhimu katika kuwezesha uchaguzi huru na wa haki. Wakati mvutano ukiongezeka, CHADEMA, chama kikuu cha upinzani, kimetangaza maandamano ya amani ambayo yamepangwa kufanyika Januari 24, 2024, jijini Dar-es-Salaam. Pamoja na mengineyo, lengo la maandamano hayo ni kupinga Muswada tajwa hapo juu wenye kuonekana kupendekeza mabadiliko ya mapambio ambayo hayana tija katika kuimarisha uhuru wa NEC.1 

Kama ilivyo mazoea ya utoaji wa matamko ya kiimla, serikali imetangaza Januari 23 – 24, 2024, kuwa ni “siku ya usafi” jijini Dar-es-Salaam. Na zoezi hilo litasimamiwa na vikosi vya usalama.2 Tamko hili la kuzuia maandamano kwa mgongo wa “siku ya usafi” linaenda kinyume na Kifungu cha 20 (1) cha Katiba ya Tanzania (1977) inayotoa haki kwa wananchi kufanya maandamano ya amani. Pamoja na vikwazo vilivyopo, muda si mrefu tutafahamu ikiwa maandamano haya muhimu yatafanyika kama yanavyopaswa kufanyika. Makala hii inaangazia Muswada wa Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi 2023 na dhana ya uhuru wa tume ya uchaguzi.

Uhuru wa Tume ya Uchaguzi ni nini?

Uhuru wa tume ya uchaguzi ni msingi wa jamii za kidemokrasia, unaohakikisha usawa, uwazi na uadilifu wa michakato ya uchaguzi. Unahusu uwezo wa tume kufanya kazi kwa uhuru bila kushawishiwa au kuingiliwa na mamlaka nyingine, hasa taasisi za kisiasa au vyombo vya serikali ambavyo vinaweza kuathiri uwezo wake wakutoegemea upande wowote. Uhuru huu kwa kawaida hutolewa katika katiba ya nchi au sheria za uchaguzi, zinazothibitisha kwamba tume kufanya maamuzi kwa uhuru kuhusu mambo muhimu ya uchaguzi, kama vile usajili wa wapigakura, usimamizi wa upigaji kura na utangazaji wa matokeo. Hata hivyo, kiwango cha uhuru kinaweza kutofautiana kulingana na mifumo tofauti ya sheria na miktadha ya kisiasa.

Utafiti wa Uhuru wa Tume ya Uchaguzi

Katika kutathmini uhuru wa tume ya uchaguzi, Cheeseman & Elkrit (2020) wanapendekeza mambo 3 ya msingi ya kuzingatia: Uhuru wa kitaasisi, Kiuongozi na Kifedha.3

Uhuru wa Kitaasisi: Eneo hili hutoa ulinzi wa kisheria ambao hulinda chombo cha uchaguzi dhidi ya kuingiliwa kusikostahili. Pia inajumuisha uhuru wa tume katika michakato ya kufanya maamuzi, ikiwa ni pamoja na uwezo wa kuamua taratibu zake, kanuni na uendeshaji wa uchaguzi.

Uhuru wa Kiuongozi: Ili kudumisha uwezo wa kutopendelea upande wowote, viongozi na wajumbe wa tume lazima wachaguliwe kwa njia ya uwazi na yenye kuzingatia sifa. Wawe na ulinzi wa ajira zao ili kuzuia kufukuzwa kazi kiholela, jambo ambalo linaweza kudhoofisha uhuru wao katika kutekeleza majukumu yao.

Uhuru wa Kifedha: Tume inapaswa kuwa na bajeti yake iliyotengwa na serikali na kuidhinishwa na Bunge. Iwe na ufadhili wa kutosha na unaojitegemea huhakikisha kuwa haina deni wala haihitaji kulipa fadhila kwa taasisi nyingine yoyote. Fedha hizo zitolewe kwa wakati na moja kwa moja kwa tume. Pia, watendaji wa tume wawe huru kutumia rasilimali zake kwa kadri watakavyoona inafaa.

Hivyo basi, kudai kuwa tume ya uchaguzi ni huru kwa maandishi tu ya kwenye katiba haitoshi. Mifumo ya kisheria inayoimarisha uhuru wa tume husika kitaasisi, kiuongozi, na kifedha lazima iwepo ili kuhakikisha uhuru wa kiutendaji. Hatua hizi ni muhimu ili kudumisha sifa yake ya kutopendelea upande wowote na kuhakikisha inafanya kazi bila kuingiliwa au kushinikizwa.

Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi Tanzania (NEC)

Kwa mujibu wa Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania (1977), Kifungu cha 74, Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi (NEC) inapaswa kuwa huru. Hili limefafanuliwa wazi katika vifungu vidogo vya (6) na (7), ambapo inaelezwa kuwa NEC ina jukumu la kusimamia na kuratibu uchaguzi bila kulazimika kutii amri au maelekezo kutoka kwa mtu yeyote, idara ya serikali au chama cha siasa. Aidha, NEC inaelezwa kuwa ni idara inayojitegemea, ikisisitizwa uhuru wake kutoka kwa taasisi nyingine za kiserikali. Hata hivyo, ni muhimu kukiri kwamba wakati katiba inadai kuwa NEC ni huru, utekelezaji wa majukumu yake kwa uhuru unahusisha mambo 3 (matatu), yaani uhuru wa kiuongozi, kifedha na kiutendaji. Masuala haya, kama yalivyoanishwa na Cheeseman & Elkrit (2020), yanahitaji sheria ya kuyaanzisha na kuyasimamia. Ili NEC iweze kutekeleza majukumu yake kwa uhuru wa kweli, ni muhimu kuwepo na mchanganyiko wa masuala hayo matatu.

Masuala ya Kikatiba na Kisheria Yanayoathiri Uhuru wa NEC

Muundo wa NEC unaibua mashaka kuhusu uhuru wake wa kweli kiutendaji. Kwa mujibu wa kifungu cha 74 (1) cha Katiba ya Tanzania (1977), wajumbe wa NEC wanateuliwa na Rais jambo ambalo linaweza kuathiri uwezo wao ya kutopendelea upande wowote na kuwafanya washawishike kisiasa. Pia, Kifungu kidogo cha (10) cha Katiba kinaruhusu wawakilishi kupewa jukumu la kusimamia uchaguzi chini ya uongozi wa NEC4, na hivyo kuzua maswali kuhusu uhuru wao pia.

Aidha, Kifungu cha 7(1) cha Sheria ya Uchaguzi kinataja kuwa wakurugenzi wa majiji, manispaa, miji na wilaya watakuwa wasimamizi wa uchaguzi (kama wawakilishi wa NEC) wakati wa uchaguzi, kwa mujibu wa Kifungu cha 74 (10) cha Katiba ya Tanzania (1977).5 Kifungu hiki kimekuwa chanzo cha mzozo mkubwa ndani ya ulingo wa siasa za Tanzania.6 Hii ni kwa sababu inaleta wasiwasi kuhusu uhuru wa Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi (NEC), kwa kuwa watu hao ni viongozi wa serikali walioteuliwa na Rais ambao wanaweza kuwa na maslahi au upendeleo unaoweza kuathiri utendaji wao wakati wa mchakato wa uchaguzi.

Moja ya majukumu muhimu ya NEC ni kuratibu na kusimamia mchakato mzima wa uchaguzi, ikiwa ni pamoja na kuajiri na kutoa mafunzo kwa wasimamizi wa uchaguzi. Hivyo basi, kuteua maafisa wa serikali kama wasimamizi wa uchaguzi kunazua mgongano wa kimaslahi unaoweza kutokea. Watu hawa wanaweza kuhisi shinikizo la kupendelea chama tawala au Rais aliyewateua. Historia ya chaguzi zilizopita nchini Tanzania imeonyesha kuwepo na upendeleo katika utekelezaji wa majukumu ya NEC. Hili lilidhihirika zaidi katika uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka 2020.7

Mapendekezo ya Marekebisho ya NEC

Mambo 3 yaliyopendekezwa na Cheeseman & Elkrit (2020) ni muhimu katika kutathmini uhuru wa tume ya uchaguzi. Ili nadharia ya uhuru wa NEC iweze kuboreshwa kwa vitendo, lazima kuwe na mabadiliko makubwa ambayo yanaimarisha uhuru wake wa kitaasisi, kiuongozi, na kifedha. Ingawa Kifungu cha 9 (1) cha Muswada wa Sheria ya Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi 2023 kinachojumuisha kamati maalum ya usaili kinaweza kugatua mchakato wa uteuzi, ushawishi wa rais katika mchakato mzima wa uteuzi bado ni mkubwa. Kamati ya usaili yenye wajumbe walioteuliwa na rais lazima ipeleke orodha fupi ya wagombea 9 kwa Rais, ambaye atatumia busara zake kuteua makamishna wasiozidi wa 5.8

Aidha, mamlaka ya kuteua mwenyekiti wa NEC na makamu mwenyekiti bado ni haki ya rais. Uwezo wa kuwaondoa wakati wowote kwa kile kinachoitwa “tabia mbaya” unatia shaka juu ya kiwango halisi cha uhuru ambacho marekebisho haya yanaleta. Ni vyema kubainisha kwamba Kifungu cha 8 (3) cha Muswada huo kinasema iwapo suala la kumwondoa Mjumbe wa Tume litatokea, Kamati ya kumshauri rais kuhusu hilo itaundwa. Hata hivyo, Rais pia ana mamlaka ya kuteua Kamati hiyo. Jambo hili linahatarisha usalama wa ajira (security of tenure) za viongozi wa NEC kwani Kamati ya kumshauri rais kuhusu hatma ya ajira zao inaweza pia kuwa ni muhuri tu wa kuidhinisha uamuzi wa Rais kumfukuza kiongozi wa NEC kwa sababu yoyote ile ambayo Rais ataona inafaa. Kwa mantiki hiyo, Naibu Katibu Mkuu wa CHADEMA Tanzania Bara, Ndg. Benson Kigaila, alisema kwa usahihi kwamba “NEC ya sasa na inayopendekezwa ni chombo cha rais cha kuratibu, kuendesha, na kusimamia uchaguzi.”9 

Hitimisho

Wakati Muswada wa NEC 2023 ukileta marekebisho fulani yanayoashiria mabadiliko kuelekea uhuru wa Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi, unashindwa kuiondoa taasisi hiyo katika ushawishi mkubwa wa taasisi ya urais. Jambo hili linatoa fursa ya vyama vingine visivyo madarakani kutotendewa haki na NEC ambayo inaweza kushawishika kufanya kazi kwa utashi wa rais ambaye ni mwenyekiti na wakati mwingine mgombea wa urais kwa tiketi ya chama chake kilichopo madarakani. 

Kanuni ya tume huru ya uchaguzi haitumiki ili tu kudhibiti ushawishi wa chama tawala, yaani kwasasa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), bali ni kinga dhidi ya uwezekano wa chama chochote cha siasa kitakachochukua madaraka. Kanuni inahakikisha kwamba NEC inafanya kazi bila upendeleo na kwamba vitendo vyake haviyumbishwi isivyostahili na taasisi ya urais au nyingine yoyote, bila kujali rangi ya kisiasa ya serikali iliyoko madarakani. Hii bila shaka inaonyesha umuhimu wa kupatikana uhuru wa kweli, badala ya wa “mchongo”, katika utendaji kazi wa NEC nchini Tanzania.

Hivyo basi, Serikali inayoongozwa na CCM haina budi kushirikisha vyama vyote vya siasa katika mchakato huu na kuzingatia madai yao kwa umakini mkubwa kwa ajili ya uchaguzi huru na wa haki. Hapo ndipo tunaweza kusema kwa dhati kwamba mabadiliko yamefanywa ili kuboresha mchakato wa kidemokrasia nchini Tanzania. Ni lazima tuendelee kufuatilia na kutetea mageuzi ya kina kwa maandamano ya amani na njia nyinginezo zitakazopelekea uchaguzi wa kuaminika na wa haki.

***

Una maoni gani kuhusu makala hii?

Marejeo

  1. Mwananchi Digital (2024). CHADEMA yaitisha maandamano kupinga muswada sheria ya uchaguzi. Accessed on 13 January 2024. ↩︎
  2. Mwananchi (2024). RC Dar atangaza Januari 23 – 24 siku ya usafi. Accessed on 13 January 2024. ↩︎
  3. Cheeseman, N., & Elkrit, J. (2020). Understanding and Assessing Electoral Commission Independence: a New Framework. Accessed on 15 January 2024. ↩︎
  4. Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania (1977). Tume ya Uchaguzi. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
  5. Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi (2015). The National Elections Act. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
  6. Mwananchi (2023) Mahakama ya Afrika yataka mabadiliko sheria ya uchaguzi. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
  7. Collord, M. (2021). Tanzania’s 2020 Election: Return of the One-Party State. Accessed on 15 January 2024. ↩︎
  8. Parliament of Tanzania (2023). Muswada wa Sheria ya Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
  9. JamiiForums (2024). Benson Kigaila: Matatizo ya Tume ya Uchaguzi Yanayojulikana hayajaguswa. Accessed on 18 January 2024. ↩︎
Rungwe Mtete Updates

The Port Contract Saga and Tanzania’s Political Culture

Overview

  • The ruling party in Tanzania, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has created an environment of fear and mistrust that harms the democratic process, particularly under the late President Magufuli’s regime from 2016 to 2021.
  • The suppression of political rallies and democratic rights inhibits citizens from actively participating in politics, as they fear reprisal for expressing dissenting views.
  • The lack of robust institutions and the rule of law under the authoritarian regime undermines the pillars of democracy, i.e., transparency and accountability.
  • Despite the challenges, the resilience of Tanzania’s citizens and their demand for accountability and transparency show the nation’s growing political maturity. Their ongoing struggle for constitutional reform and a participatory political culture is crucial for developing a robust democratic society.

Every sovereign country across the globe encompasses one or more unique political cultures. Such cultures influence the language chosen for communication, the practice of religion, and interpersonal interactions. These cultures are deeply rooted in societal traditions and shared historical experiences. Similarly, a unique political culture also exists within each individual. This article explains the concept of political culture, its study, its types, i.e., parochial, subject, and participant, and what these types mean in Tanzania’s political landscape.

What is Political Culture?

According to American political scientists Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba (1963), political culture refers to specific political orientations – attitudes towards the political system and its various parts and attitudes towards the role of oneself in the system. It’s the product of both the collective history of a political system and the life histories of the members of the system. Thus, political culture is influenced not only by major public events such as elections, laws, and social movements but also by individual experiences. Personal encounters such as upbringing, education, and values can significantly shape one’s perspectives on political matters.1

The Study of Political Culture

The political culture of a society molds its political values and conduct and should align with the political system. If not, the regime’s survival is at risk. In Book II of the Republic, Plato discusses the formation of an ideal city and the education of its citizens. This text espouses the idea of molding individuals from a young age to adopt societal norms and values, thereby ensuring the harmony and stability of society and its existing political order.2 This process mirrors the modern understanding of political socialization, our topic for another day.  

Almond and Verba (1963)

Almond & Verba (1963) identified 3 types of political culture:3

  • parochial, 
  • subject, and 
  • participant

Almond and Verba’s 1963 classification of political cultures into parochial, subject, and participant forms provides a framework for understanding how citizens perceive their role within the political system. 

In a parochial political culture, citizens are only vaguely aware of the existence of central government and live their lives near enough regardless of the decisions taken by the state, distant and unaware of political phenomena. In Tanzania, we can find most of these citizens in villages with little or no access to social and traditional media.

Subject political culture is a type where citizens are aware of the central government and are heavily subjected to its decisions with limited room for disagreement. The individual is aware of politics, its actors, and institutions. However, the governing bodies or institutions exert considerable influence over the citizens, with limited feedback received in return. In this scenario, the decision-making process is mainly top-down, with the government dictating rules and policies that must be followed. So, although citizens are politically aware and understand political structures, their capacity to influence these structures or decisions is typically restricted.

In participant political culture, individuals have the means to impact governmental decisions and are reciprocally affected by these decisions. Their engagement extends to the entire system, including the political and administrative facets, thus encompassing both the input and output aspects of the political process. In the view of Almond & Verba (1963), political culture is an essential aspect of a society as it determines how citizens interact with their government and shape the functioning of the political system. It also reflects the level of trust and legitimacy that people have toward their government. Furthermore, they argue that a solid participatory political culture is essential for a healthy democracy as it encourages active citizen participation in decision-making processes and holds the government accountable.

Tanzania’s Political Culture

Tanzania shows signs of a blend of subject and participant political cultures, especially considering the people residing in urban areas in cities such as Dar Es Salaam, Arusha, Mbeya, and other regions. Despite being aware of the central government and its actions, many citizens often feel they have limited scope for dissent, a characteristic of a subjective political culture. Usually, you will hear these people with subjective political mindsets say things such as “You can’t compete with the government” in their daily political conversations. However, Tanzania has been grappling with political transformation, fostering a gradual shift toward a participant political culture. This shift is evident in the rising political consciousness among the populace, increased citizen participation in political dialogues, and demands for government accountability and transparency.

Signs of Tanzania’s Shift to Participant Political Culture

The public outcry and legal actions taken by Tanzanians during the news of a controversial agreement for leasing and operating the Dar es Salaam port by the Dubai state-owned ports operator, DP World, demonstrate a remarkable commitment to holding their government accountable. Although quickly dismissed, the petition challenging the legality of the port agreement filed by 4 citizens in Mbeya’s High Court underscores the public’s vigilance and desire for transparency concerning national resources.4 The courage shown by people like Boniface Mwabukusi, Mdude Nyagali,Willibrod Slaa, and Rugemeleza Nshala in openly criticizing the agreement despite the risks is a testament to the existence and strength of the participant type of citizens in Tanzania.5 

Tanzanians voiced their concerns on Social Media and other platforms about the port agreement. Ms. Maria Sarungi Tsehai, a well-known activist in Tanzania, took the initiative to facilitate online discussions on the matter through her popular “Maria Spaces” on X digital platform (formerly Twitter). One such debate, titled “The Port Saga, Security and Interests of Tanganyika within the Union,” occurred on June 8th, 2023. Likewise, X digital platforms, such as “Change Tanzania” (@ChangeTanzania), dedicated to advocating for citizens’ right to exercise their freedom of expression, are growing in popularity with 316K followers and counting.6

Moreover, defying state police unlawful warnings, a group of determined young people, led by the passionate activist Deusdedith Soka, took to the streets on Monday, June 19th, 2023. However, their courageous stand was cut short as the police swiftly arrested them.7 In daily politics, this political culture blend influences policies and the functioning of the government, necessitating a delicate balance between maintaining authority and responding to the demands of an increasingly politically aware citizenry. 

Furthermore, Tanzanians are actively holding their government accountable for the ongoing electricity crisis in the country. They’re not accepting the issues at face value but demanding transparency and practical solutions. The public insists on comprehensive explanations from political leaders and executives at Tanzania Electric Supply Company (TANESCO). In addition, Tanzanians are calling for diversification and innovation in energy sources, like solar and gas, as seen in other African countries.8 This proactive approach showcases their strong sense of civic responsibility in demanding effective governance and service delivery.

The Impact of Authoritarian Rule on Political Culture in Tanzania 

By limiting political freedoms and suppressing dissent, Tanzania’s authoritarian rule under the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has fostered an environment of fear and mistrust, which are antithetical to a healthy democracy. This is more evident between 2016 and 2021 during the late President Magufuli’s regime when political rallies and other democratic rights were banned or severely limited.9 This stifles public discourse and inhibits citizens’ active political participation, as they may fear reprisal for voicing opposing views. Furthermore, the absence of strong institutions and the rule of law under the authoritarian regime undermines transparency and accountability, core pillars of a democratic society. Consequently, such conditions hinder the evolution of a participatory political culture, where citizens feel empowered to engage in the political process and influence decision-making. 

Wrapping up

The strength of any nation lies in the active participation of its citizens in governance and decision-making processes. While Tanzania grapples with the limitations posed by authoritarian rule, the resilience and demand for accountability and transparency by its citizenry are promising signs. The desire for diversification in energy sources and the increased civic demand for effective governance is a testament to the nation’s growing political maturity. 

Hence, for Tanzania to progress toward a robust democratic culture, the citizens must continue the struggle for constitutional reform, embrace a participatory political culture, and uphold democratic principles.

You can click here to watch a video about the topic discussed in this article. Remember to subscribe to our YouTube channel for more insightful content. We appreciate your interactions and welcome your comments on the article and its accompanying video.

***

References

  1. Almond, G., & Verba, S. (1963). The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    ↩︎
  2. Plato. (2008). Republic (G.R.F. Ferrari, Ed.; T. Griffith, Trans.). Cambridge University Press. ↩︎
  3. Almond, G., & Verba, S. (1963). The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ↩︎
  4. The Chanzo (2023). Court Dismisses Case Against DP World Deal:”Barren of Fruits.” Accessed on 2 November 2023. ↩︎
  5.  Amnesty International (2023). Tanzania: Detained critics of UAE port deal must be immediately and unconditionally released.Accessed on 2 November 2023.  ↩︎
  6. Change Tanzania (2023). Sakata la Bandari, Usalama, na Maslahi ya Tanganyika Ndani ya Muungano. Accessed on 7 November 2023.  
    ↩︎
  7.  Mwananchi (2023). Mratibu wa maandamano kupinga uwekezaji Bandari na wenzake 10 wakamatwa. Accessed on 6 November 2023. ↩︎
  8. Voice of America (2023). Watanzania waitaka TANESCO kutoa taarifa rasmi kuhusu mgao wa umeme. Accessed on 6 November 2023. ↩︎
  9. Amnesty International (2020). Tanzania: Laws weaponized to undermine political and civil freedoms ahead of elections. Accessed on 6 November 2023. 
    ↩︎
Rungwe Mtete Updates

Sakata la Mkataba wa Bandari na Utamaduni wa Kisiasa Tanzania

Muhtasari

  • Chama tawala nchini Tanzania, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), kimejenga mazingira ya hofu na kutoaminiana ambayo yanaathiri mchakato wa kidemokrasia, hasa chini ya utawala wa hayati Rais Magufuli kuanzia mwaka 2016 hadi 2021.
  • Kukandamizwa kwa uhuru wa mikutano ya kisiasa na haki za kidemokrasia kunazuia raia kushiriki kikamilifu katika siasa, kwani huofia kushughulikiwa kwa kutoa maoni tofauti.
  • Ukosefu wa taasisi imara na utawala wa sheria chini ya utawala wa kimabavu hudhoofisha mihimili ya demokrasia, yaani uwazi na uwajibikaji.
  • Pamoja na changamoto tajwa hapo juu, uimara wa wananchi wa Tanzania na madai yao ya uwajibikaji na uwazi yanaonyesha dalili za ukomavu wa taifa kisiasa. Madai yanayoendelea ya mabadiliko ya katiba na ustawi wa utamaduni shirikishi wa kisiasa ni muhimu kwa ajili ya kuendeleza jamii imara ya kidemokrasia.

Kila nchi huru duniani kote inajumuisha tamaduni moja au zaidi za kipekee za kisiasa. Tamaduni kama hizo huathiri lugha inayotumika kwa ajili ya mawasiliano, dini inayoabudiwa, na mawasiliano baina ya watu. Tamaduni hizi zimekita mizizi katika mila za jamii na uzoefu wa pamoja wa kihistoria. Pia, kila mtu ana utamaduni wa kipekee wa kisiasa kulingana na historia binafsi. Makala hii inajadili dhana ya utamaduni wa kisiasa, utafiti wake, aina zake, yaani, finyu, tawaliwa, na shirikishi, na maana zake katika mazingira ya kisiasa ya Tanzania.

Utamaduni wa Kisiasa ni nini?

Kwa mujibu wa wanasayansi ya siasa wa Marekani, Gabriel Almond na Sidney Verba (1963), utamaduni wa kisiasa unahusu mielekeo mahsusi ya kisiasa – mitazamo kuhusu mfumo wa kisiasa na taasisi zake mbalimbali na mitazamo kuhusu nafasi ya mtu binafsi katika mfumo husika. Ni zao la historia ya pamoja ya mfumo wa kisiasa na historia ya maisha ya watu binafsi katika mfumo huo. Hivyo basi, utamaduni wa kisiasa huathiriwa sio tu na matukio makubwa ya umma kama vile uchaguzi, sheria, na harakati za kijamii bali pia na uzoefu wa mtu binafsi. Mitazamo ambayo mtu anayo kuhusu masuala ya kisiasa inaweza kuathiriwa kwa kiasi kikubwa sana na uzoefu binafsi, ikiwa ni pamoja na maisha ya utotoni, malezi yake, elimu, na maadili.1

Utafiti wa Utamaduni wa Kisiasa

Utamaduni wa kisiasa wa jamii huunda maadili na mwenendo wake wa kisiasa na unapaswa kuendana na mfumo wa kisiasa unaotawala jamii husika. Kama sivyo, uhai wa mfumo wa utawala husika uko hatarini. Katika Kitabu cha II cha Republic (Jamhuri), Plato anajadili muundo wa dola-mji ufaao na elimu ya raia wake. Andiko hili linasisitiza wazo la kuandaa watu kuanzia umri mdogo kufuata kanuni na maadili ya jamii yao, ili kuhakikisha maelewano na utulivu wa jamii husika na mfumo wa kisiasa unaotawala jamii hiyo. Mchakato huu unaakisi uelewa wa sasa wa uoanishaji wa jamii na mfumo wa kisiasa (political socialization),2ambayo ni mada yetu ya siku nyingine.   

Almond na Verba (1963)

Almond & Verba (1963) walibainisha aina 3 za utamaduni wa kisiasa, yaani utamaduni wa kisiasa wenye mtazamo: 3

  • finyu,
  • tawaliwa, na
  • shirikishi

Uainishaji wa Almond na Verba wa tamaduni za kisiasa katika mpangilio finyu, tawaliwa, na shirikishi huweka msingi wa kuelewa jinsi wananchi wanavyotambua jukumu lao ndani ya mfumo wa kisiasa.

Katika utamaduni finyu wa kisiasa, raia wanakuwa na ufahamu wa kijuujuu kuhusu uwepo wa serikali kuu na wanaishi maisha yao karibia kwa kiwango cha kutosha bila kujali maamuzi yanayochukuliwa na serikali husika, na hawana taarifa za matukio ya kisiasa. Nchini Tanzania, wengi wa wananchi hawa wako katika vijiji visivyo na huduma ya mtandao au vyombo vya habari kama radio na televisheni.

Utamaduni wa kisiasa tawaliwa ni aina ambayo raia wanakuwa na ufahamu wa kutosha kuhusu uwepo wa serikali kuu na wanaathirika kwa kiasi kikubwa sana na maamuzi yake huku wakiwa na nafasi ndogo ya kupinga maamuzi hayo. Mtu anakuwa anafahamu siasa, wanasiasa, na taasisi za kisiasa. Hata hivyo, taasisi za kiutawala zinakuwa na ushawishi mkubwa kwa wananchi, huku maoni machache yakipokelewa kutoka kwa wananchi hao. Katika hali hii, mchakato wa ufanyaji maamuzi unatoka juu kwa watawala kwenda chini kwa watawaliwa (top – down), huku serikali ikielekeza sheria na sera ambazo lazima zifuatwe. Kwahiyo, ingawa wananchi wana ufahamu wa masuala ya kisiasa na kuelewa miundo yake, uwezo wao wa kushawishi maamuzi ya kisiasa kwa kawaida huwa na vikwazo.

Katika utamaduni wa kisiasa shirikishi, watu wanaathirika na maamuzi ya serikali, lakini na wao pia wanakuwa na uwezo wa kuathiri maamuzi ya serikali husika. Ushiriki wao huenea kwa mfumo mzima, unaojumuisha nyanja za kisiasa na kiutawala. Hii inamaanisha ushiriki wao ni pamoja na kutoa maoni (input) katika mchakato wa kisiasa na kuathiriwa na sera zinazotokana (output) na hayo maoni. Kwa mtazamo wa Almond & Verba, utamaduni wa kisiasa ni sehemu muhimu katika jamii kwani huamua jinsi wananchi wanavyoshirikiana na serikali yao na kuchagiza utendajikazi wa mfumo wa kisiasa. Hii pia inaonyesha kiwango cha imani na uhalali ambao watu wanaipa serikali yao. Aidha, wanatoa hoja kwamba utamaduni wa kisiasa shirikishi ulio thabiti ni muhimu kwa demokrasia yenye afya kwani unahimiza ushiriki hai wa wananchi katika michakato ya kufanya maamuzi na kuiwajibisha serikali.

Utamaduni wa Kisiasa Tanzania

Tanzania inaonyesha dalili za uwepo wa mchanganyiko wa tamaduni za kisiasa tawaliwa na shirikishi, hasa kwa kuzingatia watu wanaoishi maeneo ya mijini katika mikoa kama vile Dar Es Salaam, Arusha, Mbeya, na mingineyo. Licha ya kufahamu uwepo wa serikali na matendo yake, wananchi wengi mara nyingi wanahisi wana wigo mdogo wa kutokubaliana na maamuzi ya serikali, ambayo ni sifa mojawapo ya utamaduni wa kisiasa tawaliwa. Kwa kawaida, utawasikia watu hawa wenye utamaduni wa kisiasa tawaliwa wakisema maneno kama vile “Huwezi kushindana na serikali” katika mazungumzo yao ya kisiasa ya kila siku. Hata hivyo, Tanzania imekuwa na vuguvugu la mabadiliko ya kisiasa, na hivyo taratibu kuelekea kwenye utamaduni wa kisiasa shirikishi. Mabadiliko haya yanadhihirika katika kuongezeka kwa mwamko wa kisiasa miongoni mwa watu, kuongezeka kwa ushiriki wa wananchi katika midahalo ya kisiasa, na madai ya uwajibikaji na uwazi wa serikali.

Mabadiliko Kuelekea Utamaduni wa Kisiasa Shirikishi nchini Tanzania

Kelele za wananchi na hatua za kisheria zilizochukuliwa na Watanzania baada ya kupata taarifa ya mkataba wenye utata wa serikali ya Tanzania kuikodisha kampuni ya DP World ya Dubai kuendesha bandari ya Dar es Salaam, inaonyesha dhamira ya kipekee ya kuiwajibisha serikali yao. Shauri la kupinga uhalali wa mkataba wa bandari lililowasilishwa na wananchi wanne katika Mahakama Kuu ya Mbeya, licha ya kutupiliwa mbali haraka, linadhihirisha umakini wa wananchi na kutaka kwao kuwepo kwa uwazi katika masuala yanayohusu rasilimali za Taifa.4 Ujasiri ulioonyeshwa na watu kama Boniface Mwabukusi, Mdude Nyagali, Willibrod Slaa, na Rugemeleza Nshala katika kukosoa waziwazi “mkataba wa bandari” licha ya hatari ya kufanya hivyo ni kielelezo cha uwepo na nguvu ya Watanzania wenye utamaduni wa kisiasa shirikishi.5 

Watanzania walionyesha wasiwasi wao kwenye Mitandao ya Kijamii na majukwaa mengine kuhusu mkataba wa bandari. Bi. Maria Sarungi Tsehai, mwanaharakati maarufu nchini Tanzania, aliendesha mijadala ya mtandaoni kuhusu suala hilo kupitia jukwaa lake maarufu la “Maria Spaces” kwenye jukwaa la kidijitali la X (zamani ikiitwa Twitter). Moja ya mjadala kama huo, ulioitwa “Sakata la Bandari, Usalama na Maslahi ya Tanganyika ndani ya Muungano,” ulifanyika tarehe 8 Juni, 2023. Vilevile, majukwaa ya X ya kidijitali, kama vile “Change Tanzania” (@ChangeTanzania), yenye lengo la kutetea haki ya raia kutumia uhuru wao wa kujieleza, yanazidi kupata umaarufu na wafuasi zaidi.6

Aidha, kwa kukaidi maonyo batili ya polisi, kikundi cha vijana waliodhamiria, wakiongozwa na mwanaharakati mwenye shauku Deusdedith Soka, waliingia mtaani kuandamana Jumatatu, Juni 19, 2023. Hata hivyo, ujasiri wao huo ulidhibitiwa haraka na polisi kwa kukamatwa.7 Katika siasa za kila siku, mchanganyiko huu wa utamaduni wa kisiasa tawaliwa na shirikishi huathiri sera na utendajikazi wa serikali, hivyo kuilazimu serikali kujitahidi kuwa na uwiano kati ya kudumisha mamlaka na kutekeleza madai ya wananchi wanaozidi kuongeza ufahamu wa masuala ya kisiasa.

Isitoshe, Watanzania wanaiwajibisha serikali yao kutokana na tatizo la umeme linaloendelea nchini. Hawakubali mambo kijuujuu, bali wanadai uwazi na masuluhisho ya vitendo. Umma unasisitiza kupata maelezo ya kina kutoka kwa viongozi wa kisiasa na watendaji wakuu wa Shirika la Umeme Tanzania (TANESCO). Pia, Watanzania wanatoa wito wa kuwepo kwa vyanzo anuwai vya nishati na ubunifu, kama vile jua na gesi, kama ilivyo katika nchi nyingine za Afrika.8 Mtazamo huu wa wananchi wanaojituma kudai haki zao unaonyesha hisia kali za uwajibikaji wa kiraia katika kudai utawala bora na utoaji wa huduma za jamii.

Athari za Utawala wa Kiimla katika Utamaduni wa Kisiasa Tanzania

Kwa kubana uhuru wa kisiasa na kukandamiza upinzani, utawala wa kiimla nchini Tanzania chini ya chama tawala, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), umekuza mazingira ya hofu na kutoaminiana, ambayo ni hatari kwa demokrasia yenye afya. Hili limedhihirika zaidi kuanzia mwaka 2016 hadi 2021 wakati wa utawala wa hayati Rais Magufuli pindi mikutano ya kisiasa na haki nyingine za kidemokrasia zilipopigwa marufuku au kubinywa kwa kiasi kikubwa.9 Hali hii hudhohofisha mijadala katika jamii na kuzuia ushiriki hai wa kisiasa wa raia, kwani wanaweza kuogopa kushughulikiwa kwa kutoa maoni yanayopingana na maamuzi ya serikali. Zaidi ya hayo, kutokuwepo kwa taasisi imara na utawala wa sheria chini ya utawala wa kimabavu kunadhoofisha uwazi na uwajibikaji, ambazo ni nguzo kuu za jamii ya kidemokrasia. Kwahiyo, hali kama hizo huzuia ukuaji wa utamaduni wa kisiasa shirikishi, ambapo wananchi wanahisi kuwezeshwa kushiriki katika mchakato wa kisiasa na kuwa na ushawishi katika maamuzi yatokanayo na mchakato huo.

Hitimisho

Nguvu ya taifa lolote ipo katika ushiriki wa kikamilifu wa wananchi wake katika michakato ya kiutawala na ufanyaji maamuzi. Wakati Tanzania inakabiliana na mapungufu yanayotokana na utawala wa kiimla, uimara wa raia wake, madai ya uwajibikaji, na wito wa uwazi katika usimamizi na matumizi ya rasilimali za umma ni dalili zenye kuleta matumaini. Madai ya kuwepo kwa vyanzo anuwai vya nishati na ongezeko la raia kudai utawala bora ni ushahidi wa ukuaji wa ukomavu wa kisiasa wa taifa.

Hivyo basi, ili Tanzania ipige hatua kuelekea utamaduni thabiti wa kidemokrasia, ni lazima wananchi tuendeleze harakati za mabadiliko ya katiba, tukumbatie utamaduni wa kisiasa shirikishi, na tudumishe kanuni za kidemokrasia.

Unaweza kubofya hapa kutazama video kuhusu mada iliyojadiliwa katika makala hii. Kumbuka kujiunga (subscribe) kwenye chaneli yetu ya YouTube ili kupata maudhui zaidi ya kujielimisha. Asante kwa kusoma na tunakaribisha maoni kuhusu makala hii na video yake.

***

Marejeo

  1. Almond, G., & Verba, S. (1963). The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Accessed on 20 October 2023.
    ↩︎
  2. Plato. (2008). Republic (G.R.F. Ferrari, Ed.; T. Griffith, Trans.). Cambridge University Press. Accessed on 20 October 2023. ↩︎
  3. Almond, G., & Verba, S. (1963). The civic culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    ↩︎
  4. The Chanzo (2023). Court Dismisses Case Against DP World Deal:”Barren of Fruits.” Accessed on 2 November 2023. 
    ↩︎
  5. Amnesty International (2023). Tanzania: Detained critics of UAE port deal must be immediately and unconditionally released. Accessed on 2 November 2023.  
    ↩︎
  6. Change Tanzania (2023). Sakata la Bandari, Usalama, na Maslahi ya Tanganyika Ndani ya Muungano. Accessed on 7 November 2023. ↩︎
  7. Mwananchi (2023). Mratibu wa maandamano kupinga uwekezaji Bandari na wenzake 10 wakamatwa. Accessed on 6 November 2023. 
    ↩︎
  8. Voice of America (2023). Watanzania waitaka TANESCO kutoa taarifa rasmi kuhusu mgao wa umeme. Accessed on 6 November 2023. ↩︎
  9. Amnesty International (2020). Tanzania: Laws weaponized to undermine political and civil freedoms ahead of elections. Accessed on 6 November 2023. 
    ↩︎